Being paper delivered by Johnson Ayodele (PhD), at the 10th Anniversary and Founders Day of FadMaestro Schools
Abstract
Research can provide evidence-based explanations for how schoolchildren can become public-protected human capital. This article examines the rising exposure of schoolchildren to terror attacks in Nigeria. Guided by routine activity theory, it reviewed secondary data through content and thematic analyses. The results indicate that Nigeria is saturated with motivated individuals whose violent behaviour predisposes schoolchildren to terror attacks. For parents to trust schools, the article concludes that the government must neutralize terrorists, parents adopt digital parenting strategies, and education stakeholders integrate Trauma-Informed Practices (TIPs) with trauma-informed care (TIC). It suggests the deployment of digital intelligence to create safe learning environments for schoolchildren that foster their resilience against a threatened knowledge economy.
Keywords: abduction, Nigeria, ransom payment, resilience, schoolchildren, terrorism.
Introduction
The transfer of escalated terror from politicians, the Nigerian authors of terrorism, to schoolchildren is concerning. Today, parents are no longer convinced that their children will arrive home safely at the end of the school day. Criminal invasion of education landscapes has, sadly, imported tension that redefines schoolchildren’s protection in the context of public safety in Nigeria. Ransom-taking terrorists capitalize on the strong emotional bond between parents and children to weaponize the safety of vulnerable schoolchildren for the extortion of money from their devastated parents. As Nigerian schoolchildren contend with other existential deprivations caused by elites’ recklessness, governance is comatose, banditry and terrorism have become the most profitable underground economy that traumatizes these endangered species and their parents. Therefore, the tactic that began as a political-terror device to seize power from political opposition has incredibly morphed into a nationwide abduction monster, unresponsive to the control of its unrepentant authors in Nigeria. As the human casualties of terrorism became subjects of unfair political jokes, Donald Trump masterminded a strike that briefly stilled the storm of the reckless prowl of terrorists on harmless Nigerians.
Literature Review
Education propels individuals through skill acquisition for personal growth and national progress (Mustadi, 2020). While schools provide structured curricula at the elementary and higher levels to enhance cognitive and psychomotor competencies, informal education originates from families and communities, enabling children to acquire assertive conduct (Aleru, 2023). Terrorism is a “…criminal act aimed at using unforgivable violence to foment terror…” (Ayodele, 2017, p. 281), and exposes schoolchildren’s education to the ravages of bad weather. Through an internet audio message, Abubakar Shekau, told the world in January 2012, that Nigeria had “primary… secondary schools and universities and we will start bombing them…” (Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA), 2014, p. 2). Using the violence of Boko Haram, Shekau redefined the rhythm of schoolchildren’s peaceful interaction with knowledge in Nigeria. The abduction of schoolchildren at Chibok, on April 14, 2014, represented a classic vulnerability of schoolchildren, who experience education in the context of unresolved violent conflicts in Nigeria. Ever since, bandits have repeatedly assaulted schools, abducted students, and murdered educators (Omuya, 2023).
Despite the complicity of some political actors in the importation of terrorists into Nigeria, the government claims to have been protecting the interests of schoolchildren. It formulated the National Policy on Safety, Security, Violence-Free Schools (Federal Ministry of Education, 2021a) and Minimum Standards for Safe Schools (MSSS) (Federal Ministry of Education and Education in Emergencies Working Group, 2021b). All these interventions notwithstanding, education in northern Nigeria has suffered from banditry-induced violence (Ogunode, 2022) because a comprehensive mechanism for monitoring the MSSS implementation has been deficient. In 2022 and 2023, over 10,000 students and educators were reportedly adversely affected, triggering temporary or permanent closures and periods of lost learning (GCPEA, 2024). Directly, these attacks violate the rights of children to education (UNICEF, 2025). The objective of this article is to explore the changing needs of schoolchildren in relation to their safety in school and cognitive competencies for resilience against violent terrorism. Consistent with this objective, this article answers the following questions (i). Why do terrorists target schoolchildren and educational institutions in Nigeria? (ii). How does the clash of stakeholders’ values predispose schoolchildren to terror attacks in Nigeria? (iii). What are the effects of terrorists’ hostility to schoolchildren in Nigeria? (iv). How can education stakeholders build resilience for schoolchildren who are traumatized by terror attacks in Nigeria? Therefore, fostering resilience in traumatized schoolchildren in Nigeria constitutes the gaps this study bridges in knowledge.
Theoretical Framework
This study adopts the routine activity theory of Cohen and Felson (1979). It revolves around three elements – a “potential offender, a suitable target, and the absence of a capable guardian” (Bottoms & Wiles, 1997, p. 320). The theory assumes that “the probability that a violation will occur at any specific time and place might be taken as a function of the convergence of likely offenders and suitable targets in the absence of capable guardians” (Cohen & Felson, 1979, p. 590). Applied to the vulnerability of schoolchildren to terrorists’ invasion, kidnappers are motivated to ransom taking by the push and pull effects of religious, political, and economic issues. The suitable targets are schoolchildren whose schooling activity exposed them to terror attacks. Finally, the failure of the security and education stakeholders to serve as capable guardians of schoolchildren exacerbates their exposure to reckless terror attacks in Nigeria. To secure school environments, public policy should promote institutional efficiency that makes citizens’ security governance the major constitutional focus of political actors in Nigeria.
Methodology
This article uses an exploratory methodology to review a broad literature to explain the causes and effects of schoolchildren’s exposure to terrorism on their resilience in Nigeria. It collected data from various secondary sources through electronic searches in Google Scholar, ResearchGate, Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), Scopus, government publications, and relevant journal publications to have a robust report. The article subjected the collected data to content and thematic analyses. In the search approach, the article used the following terms: schoolchildren, terror attacks, resilience, and Nigeria. It linked the identified terms with “AND” or “OR,” downloaded 75 articles, and found 66 useful for review. The exclusion/inclusion criteria are articles published between 2018 and 2025, published in the English language, and focused on schoolchildren, banditry, terror attacks, and the reduction of schoolchildren’s exposure to violence. The study followed all ethical protocols for data collection and analysis.
Results
Reasons for which Terrorists Target Schoolchildren and Educational Institutions in Nigeria
This section examines the reasons that undergird schoolchildren being targets of terror attacks in Nigeria. Between 2014 and 2022, 70 school attack cases were recorded in Nigeria, involving more than 1,680 abducted students (Premium Times, 2023). In addition, there have been two major abductions since March 2024, and over 200 pupils were taken from Kuriga, Kaduna State (Adesulure, 2025). Some days after 25 schoolgirls were kidnapped from Government Girls Comprehensive Secondary School in Maga, Kebbi State, unidentified armed men invaded St. Mary’s Catholic School in Papiri community, Agwara Local Government Area of Niger State, on Friday morning of November 21, 2025, to abduct students and staff. According to the Christian Association of Nigeria, 215 students and 12 staff were kidnapped during the raid (Ewokor & Muia, 2025). Public spaces of suggestive symbolic significance are the most probable targets of terrorism (Braithwaite, 2013). Why did grave violations of children’s right to learn without risking death in 2024 reveal a 44% escalation of attacks on schools in conflict regions, leading to trauma of teachers and students, abductions, and deaths (United Nations, 2025)? Schools are places with a high concentration of young learners and a relatively low level of security (Bekesiene & Hoskova-Mayerova, 2018). Unprotected schools offer ransom-seeking bandits (Verjee & Kwaja, 2021) unrestricted access to abduct schoolchildren as valuable commodities (Aremu & Aremu, 2022), from whose families the flow of extortion to bandits becomes the norm. For these and other reasons, schoolchildren and educational institutions may remain vulnerable to terrorism as “soft targets” (Bradford & Wilson, 2013).
Compared to public spaces such as airports, schools are particularly vulnerable to terror attacks because of the services they are designed to provide or expected to render in society. For instance, some analysts contend that for Boko Haram, Western education is part of “a larger, evil system” (Thurston, 2018, p. 1-2). This perception makes the ideological opposition of jihadists to Western education a reason for targeting schoolchildren for terror attacks in Nigeria. Moreover, school facilities can become hubs of healing at times of absence of terror events (Greene, Barrios, Blair, & Kolbe, 2004), making the destruction of schools intentional as well as illustrative.
Since terrorist groups traditionally seek media attention and approval (Richardson, 2006), they may strive to leverage media analysis to validate and bring compassionate interest to their cause (Perl, 1997). Having recklessly foisted bad governance on Nigeria, the indifference of the political class to the payment of ransom has turned kidnapping into a big public business in Nigeria. Evidence exists to support the connivance and involvement of security agents, civil servants, and traditional rulers in a collaborative network that substantially benefits from ransoms paid to terrorists and bandits (Odunsi, 2022) in Nigeria.
Poor public resource governance further deepens the poverty of school protection apparatuses, which frequently predisposes schoolchildren to terror attacks in Nigeria (Onuoha, 2022). Through the government’s preference for back-channel or informal negotiations, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) facilitated the release of some of the Chibok schoolgirls (Tukur & Agency Report, 2017).
The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) worked out the modality for the release of the Kankara schoolboys (Nwachukwu, 2020). Even controversial Ahmad Gumi negotiated with bandits for the rescue of the Kagara School kidnapping (CGTN Africa, 2021). Schoolchildren become attractive victims of terrorists because of the conversion of schools into military bases.
This practice rose by 20%, and over 10,000 students were killed, abducted, arrested, or harmed (GCPEA, 2024). If one critical reason for the escalation of Out Of School Children (OOSC) in northern Nigeria is the ruthless dislocation of livelihood by terrorists’ induced conflicts (Nwoke, Oyiga & Cochrane, 2024), the rise in terror attacks on schoolchildren cannot be divorced from forced migration.
The reduction of the allowances of soldiers fighting boko haram in Adamawa and Borno states (Nnenna, 2019) must have discouraged the soldiers and indirectly empowered the miscreants to victimize the ungoverned spaces of schoolchildren more than before. It is tragic that while Nigeria has only 84 approved border control posts, arms syndicates, smugglers, and terrorists freely operate 1,400 illegal and unmanned routes in Nigeria’s ungoverned spaces (Punch Newspaper, 2017).
Clash of Values of Digital Natives with their Analog Parents in the Context of Abduction
A generation is a social generation of “those born around the same time who experienced roughly the same culture growing up”. The period of birth of an individual substantially influences the person’s conduct, assertiveness, beliefs, and behavioral qualities more than the family that socialized the individual does (Twenge, 2023). These effects might have prompted Mac Prensky to label Gen Z as “digital natives.” Gen Z is the focus of this phase of the article because it refers to a cohort socialised by digital elements, typified by a deep reliance on technology, and obvious values compared to previous generations (Januar, 2024).
Conversely, digital immigrants are those who need to learn the digital language of computers because they were not born speaking it (Prensky, 2001). In this article, schoolchildren as digital natives are young individuals within the age bracket of 1 to 18 who are incapable of making independent economic and political choices (Pew Research Centre, 2020). In their characteristic habit, Gen Z does not invest in a car; they use Uber; rather than an exquisite office, they opt for shared office spaces.
Empirical investigations have critically evaluated the legitimacy of the concept of digital nativity (Dutton & Reisdorf, 2017). Digital natives are not a monolithic collectivity. In the cohort, digital inequalities exist. Therefore, critical socio-economic or cultural influences (Kirschner & De Bruyckere, 2017), restrictions on the use of digital technologies, connectivity lapses, and other variables (Adjin-Tettey, 2020) are responsible.
Okhale’s tragedy helps to illustrate how digital natives, as vulnerable schoolchildren, interface with digital immigrants (parents and stakeholders) to navigate the toxic context of education in Nigeria. On Thursday, December 11, 2025, following a sudden failure of his generator, at Etsako East Local Government Area of Edo State, gunmen broke into the Kalabar Quarters, Afokpella’s family residence of Andrew Okhale. Out to see why the generator malfunctioned, the abductors pounced on Okhale, mortally injuring him and abducting Emmanuel and Emmanuella Okhale, his 16-year-old twins. Okhale died at the Ajie Hospital. Subsequently, the abductors demanded a ransom of N100 million.
Speaking for the police, Ikoedem (2025) claimed that after a coordinated “intensive bush-combing exercise” of a joint security team involving the police, the Nigerian Army, the Edo State Security Corps (ESSC), local hunters, and vigilante groups, “the twins were rescued unhurt and have since been reunited with their family.” On the contrary, Okhale (2025) said the police lied. “The twins were not rescued. We paid 10 million naira to the kidnappers. The police and vigilantes were not involved. Nobody rescued the twins. The kidnappers kept calling us. After the ransom was paid, the kidnappers asked us to go somewhere, and the twins were found there.”
To present the broad dynamics of schoolchildren’s abduction in Nigeria, the twins represent the digital natives, while the police, community adults, and the Okhales are digital immigrants. Drawing wisdom from the routine activity theory, these digital immigrants were complicit in the tragedy of Okhale and the temporary captivity of his twins. The collective negligence of the digital immigrants emboldened the digital native offenders to become highly motivated in the context of betrayed innocent children to make the twins canon folder in the Edo State kidnappers’ confinement. Overprotective parenting behaviors prevent digital natives from confronting challenges, making independent decisions, and developing desirable social skills (Priyana, 2023).
Therefore, existing generations of Nigerians should unite to review the systemic and institutional decay that characterizes the country’s security architecture and fix it. When unassuming immigrant parents meet the needs of unassuming digital native children by providing them with opportunities to feel a sense of belonging (Khamim, 2021), they can supportively challenge insecurity. Therefore, digital immigrant parents of digital natives should enable Gen Z to make (security) choices and experience their consequences, encounter, and find ways to improve their problem-solving competencies, through motivation to overcome challenges rather than avoiding them (Shrier, 2024).
In an effort to reconcile digital immigrants with their digital native children, Akinlaja (2024) challenged the entrepreneurial spirits of young digital natives through a popular entrepreneurial reality TV show, The Next Titan Nigeria, to become job creators rather than job seekers. Incredibly, most digital immigrant parents cannot free themselves from the hope of limiting these “social media commercial hustlers” (Opia, 2025, p. np) to a CV-driven job-seeking generation.
Digital immigrant parents must recognize that their digital native children have the capacity to earn more genuine incomes from online businesses than they did in their entire careers in the civil service. Back to the anchor, digital immigrant Okhale could have been a victim of premeditated murder. Otherwise, the gunmen would have spared him to facilitate the payment of the ransom they were to demand. However, if he knew any of the assailants, the implications of that knowledge for his safety were obvious.
How will the murder of Okhale and the subsequent abduction of the twins redefine the perception of schoolchildren’s education in an environment of insecurity? If Nigeria had invested in institutional efficiency, systemic normalcy would have prevented the following scenarios. Firstly, the electricity managers’ perennial power outages would not have emerged; secondly, Okhale would have been spared the hassle of a malfunctioning generator that made him and his family vulnerable to invasion; thirdly, the police would have upheld the evidence-based information option even if such an effect had to be accompanied by a public apology. Finally, community intelligence would have encouraged the police to arrive at the potential crime scene to neutralize the crime before the arrival of criminal actors, making ransom unnecessary.
Effects of Terrorism on Schoolchildren in Nigeria
This section details how terror attacks on schoolchildren impact their well-being and education in Nigeria. Terror attacks present substantial and frequently devastating trials for children globally, such that 23,982 severe abuses against children impacted 19,165 children in 2021 alone (United Nations, 2022). Consequently, families of victims and governments have had to pay about US$18.34 million (₦7 billion) in ransoms to kidnappers between 2011 and 2020 (Al Jazeera, 2022). Furthermore, between January and June of 2021, kidnappers demanded about US$23.84 million (N10 billion) in ransoms in Nigeria from 2,371 abducted Nigerians (Ukpe, 2021). At the national level, irrespective of state interventions, the National Bureau of Statistics maintains that Nigerians paid 2.3 trillion Naira in 2024 in ransom to kidnappers (Jimoh, 2024).
These returns make kidnapping the juiciest investment option in the Nigerian economy. The effects of the exposure of schoolchildren to terror attacks include amplified occurrence of depressive complaints, anxiety conditions, PTSD, or their symptoms (Copeland et al., 2018), particularly in adults who have experienced some kind of ill-treatment (Nelson et al., 2017) or sexual exploitation (Hailes et al., 2019) in their childhood or teenage years. Several studies, which focused on developing countries characterised by ongoing or recurring violence, suggest that exposure to traumatic events can also affect educational investment decisions (Koppensteiner & Livia, 2021).
A study of 27 school abductees from Kaduna found that those rescued/released manifested various psychological problems, depression, and other personality issues. Regrettably, some of the abducted 27 survivors did not return to school, and among those who did, feelings of anxiety and tension continued because of fears of a recurrence of abduction (Yakasai, Ayinla & Yakasai, 2022). Some students who needed psycho-social support in the aftermath of attacks on their schools were scared to return to school (GCPEA, 2024).
The combined effects of the trauma and loss of education arising from these terror attacks are likely to leave lifelong impacts on children (Barro, 2023). While there are concerns about the negative impacts of insurgency on children, the mental health of the affected children remains largely unattended (Premium Times, 2023). Whereas a one-off acute episode, such as a terror attack on schoolchildren and their schools in a typically peaceful setting, might need just a situational modification, as the children are expected to overcome the momentary mental torture and move on with their everyday school life.
However, if children find themselves in a refugee camp where they experience unrestrained terrorist attacks, surmounting the effects of chronic risks might involve a more permanent kind of developmental adjustment (Garbarino & Kostelny, 2014). Terrorism against schoolchildren often leads to the denial of their right to education (Amnesty International, 2021), causing about 20 million school-age children in Nigeria to be out of school (UNICEF, 2022). The 12-year-old violent struggle in northeast Nigeria has, regrettably, caused overt and covert deaths of about 350,000 Nigerians, many of whom are children under age five (United Nations, 2021).
The disruption of schooling, amplified dependency, and behavioural disparities, as well as psychological impacts, are some of the other critical consequences of the exposure of schoolchildren to terror attacks (Bene, 2025). At some point, persistent attacks on schools forced six states to shut down most or all schools until the security atmosphere improved. Across large areas of Northern Nigeria, attacks on schools have disrupted school enrollments and the duration of education (Bertoni et al., 2019).
At the beginning of the 2021–2022 school year, UNICEF estimated that at least one million Nigerian children failed to enroll in school due to the threat of targeted violence (Lebowitz, 2021). While the short-term effects of terror attacks on schools include disruption of access to educational resources, injury, and death, the long-term effects involve compromised ethical teaching and educational systems (GCPEA, 2019). In 2022, the Boko Haram insurgency and banditry destroyed about 2900 schools, killing several hundred teachers, and over 19,000 people deserted their homes (UN OCHA, 2022). Moreover, its deadly activities have, in the Northeast, internally displaced 2.2 million people (Mark & Elijah, 2016), by dislocating families and communities (Adesoji, 2018), and creating panic across Nigeria.
These predisposed vulnerable children to intense neglect, bias, societal discontent, and may reject schooling in the future (Ike et al., 2022). Estimating the effects of exposure to terrorist violence on education, Alfano & Görlach (2024) found that “the impact of terrorism on education is devastating and goes far beyond the immediate physical consequences of the attacks. The fear and uncertainty caused by terrorism have a lasting effect on families’ decisions to send their children to school” (p. 906–925). A Yoruba proverb, which argues that unbridled freedom causes a fowl to end up in the throat of a wanton hawk, if indifferent to a rescue intervention by relaxing at the ungoverned dumpsite space, reinforces this position. In the context of security, digital natives should pander to the caution of their digital immigrant parents.
Building Resilience for Vulnerable Schoolchildren in the Context of Terror Attacks
In this section, this article examines how to strengthen the resilience of schoolchildren who, in the context of terror attacks, are confused about whether or not to defy the threat of violence to continue their education. Resilience is recognized as a social process held together by overlapping influences at personal, household, social, institutional, and economic-resource levels (Gielen, 2019). Resilience thrives on a matrix of analytical context that presents an understanding of how complex multilevel micro-factors intersect and converge with manifold co-occurring macro-systems. Making resilience the focus of global policy is a “key ingredient to effectively manage terrorism” (Dechesne, 2017, p. 414), particularly among this at-risk demographic. Sadly, the horrendous impacts of terrorism on schoolchildren have caused them and their empathizers to define response to terrorism in society “in terms of ‘Us’ versus ‘Them’ ” (McCoy, Rahman, & Somer, 2018, p. 16).
Therefore, for resilience to address the excessive prowling of terrorists on schoolchildren, it should be structured in a way that the “‘social engineering’ that can produce unintended consequences” (Berger, 2016, p. 34), does not destructively undermine some values. These include the prevention of infrastructure defense prioritization, target hardening, and urban design (Sampaio, 2017), as well as the survivors, the general population, and systems reclamation following terrorist attacks.
Trauma is a response to an intensely stressful or troubling event that devastates the coping capacity of an individual and considerably disrupts the developmental trajectory of a child (Maksimov, 2025). Hence, the exposure of children to traumatic episodes often requires effective interventions to reinforce adaptive improvement. Social investigations and clinical explanations about how children cope with the negative influences of social crises are increasing (Garbarino & Kostelny, 2014). Therefore, resilience, “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity, trauma, tragedy, threats or even significant sources of stress” (The American Psychological Association, 2020, p. np), is a suitable intervention at this juncture.
As “agents of change” (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction, 2015, p. 23), schoolchildren should be engaged in renewal planning and activities. This inclusive approach will prepare them for the future and overcome the associated feelings of helplessness in the event of tragedy (Osofsky et al., 2018). In partnership with the news media, education stakeholders must consider the influence of media presentations of tragedy on children.
This will facilitate the planning of an intervention agenda suitable for all system levels, sharing knowledge with children in violent situations for meaningful planning and intervention (Wisner et al., 2018). All things being equal, security concerns will drive resilience policy. Simultaneously, security policy will adopt the language of resilience (Coaffee & Fussey, 2015, p. 98) to sustain resilience during adversity by depending on the capacity for persistence, resistance, recovery, adaptation, and transformation of the systems (Ungar, 2018).
Teacher-delivered interventions have considerably improved the well-being and adaptation of schoolchildren following their exposure to stressful episodes (Berger & Gelkopf, 2009). With the School Resilience Program, which used a “training the trainer” cascade model (Gelkopf, Ryan, Cotton & Berger, 2008), clinical psychologists can provide school counselors with training on managing stress and fostering resilience. Guided by the assumption that managing pain should help sufferers regain emotional control and inspire recovery of full task and action, designers of teacher-delivered interventions developed this approach (Wolmer, Hamiel, Slone, Faians, Picker & Laor, 2013).
Similarly, Nic Dhomhnaill & Lotty (2025) contend that trauma-informed care in the context of education plays a resilience-fostering role in communities. Trauma-informed practices (TIPs) constitute the daily practices and interventions that resonate with the principles and assumptions of trauma-informed care.
TIPs are undergirded by the understanding that they relate awareness of trauma recognition and intervention into tangible interventions that reinforce resilience growth and rescue from trauma, as part of a united effort of the individuals who support the children and their families (Lotty, 2023a). Moreover, TIPs comprise an “integration of existing practice wisdom that already exists within aligned professional practices and programmes” (Lotty, Kearns & Frederico, 2024, p. 1-27).
In discussing the three collaborative trauma-informed practices (TIPs) that can be implemented in a school setting to involve the various education stakeholders, Nic Dhomhnaill & Lotty (2025) stated: “It involved training for school staff, local service providers and community members in order to spread awareness of trauma-informed care (TIC) and empower those involved to implement TIPs across various settings.
The second TIP introduces a trauma-informed mentoring programme targeting at-risk pupils in their final year of primary school, aiming to build resilience and support their transition to secondary school. The third TIP focuses on a trauma-informed peer support group for teachers, recognising the impact of vicarious trauma on educators” (p. 4). The introduction of trauma-informed care could stimulate staff in schools to demonstrate their commitment to the implementation of TIPs in their respective schools to build pupils’ resilience and reduce the impact of trauma on them. This assumption is underscored by the idea that resilient teachers have the capacity to encourage pupils to grow their resilience through displaying and training (Jennings, 2019).
Thus, resilience is the capacity to sustain psychosocial functioning and a coherent sense of self in adverse contexts (Koirikivi et al., 2021). In this process, school staff will need to enhance the number of protective factors in the lives of pupils, using an ecological approach to trauma-informed care (De Candia & Guarino, 2020). Protective factors put in place by the school or the community can buffer children from the risks associated with childhood trauma (Lotty, 2023b).
Therefore, to embed resilience in social capital among schoolchildren in Nigeria, curriculum policy-makers should adopt the School Resilience Program. If schoolchildren have access to necessary interventions that support their recovery from traumatic events they have experienced, such interventions may stimulate their effortless return to school (Barro, 2023). In this connection, resilience as a culture among schoolchildren, Margaret Thatcher, former British Prime Minister, advised that the news media should deprive terrorists of the “oxygen of publicity” (Apple Jr., 1985, p. np), is apposite here.
Discussion
This article explores how the resilience of schoolchildren against terror attacks in Nigeria can be nurtured. The findings of this article are consistent with CNDH (2020), which states that attacks on schools are the most prevalent forms of violation of the rights of schoolchildren to education in a peaceful environment. It also agrees with GCPEA’s (2024) claim that military use of schools as bases escalates terrorist attacks on schoolchildren in Nigeria.
This article corroborates earlier empirical findings of Hussain & Sarma (2016) that terrorism has critical life-threatening effects on schoolchildren’s emotions in the aftermath of terrorists’ attacks. The findings of García-Vera et al. (2021) that the prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in children and adolescents between 4 and 13 months after suffering a terrorist attack varies from 10 to 30% is in agreement with the assumptions of this article.
Moreover, the findings of this article align substantially with Jannah & Prasetyo (2021) in their emphasis on programs that help students build self-efficacy through learning activities that encourage independence, which can increase resilience.
The assumptions of this article support the conception of resilience that the American Psychological Association (2017) provides for adjustment despite threats of attack. In pursuance of this, another findings of this article agree with Masten (2021) that resilience is the consequence of a blend of protective factors and staff in the school with the intention to build on the number of protective factors in the lives of pupils, to lessen the impacts of trauma and build resilience in children.
Conclusion
This article explores the crafting of the resilience of schoolchildren against terror attacks in Nigeria. It explains the basis of schoolchildren being attractive targets of terrorist attacks in Nigeria. Moreover, this article presents convincing analyses of how the contradictory values of digital natives as schoolchildren and expectations of their digital immigrant parents predispose the former to insecurity in Nigeria.
It probes the implications of unprovoked terrorists’ aggression for schoolchildren’s well-being and continued education in Nigeria. Finally, anchoring the core problem of the article on routine activity theory, it articulates how the stakeholders wittingly or unwittingly expose vulnerable schoolchildren to the recklessness of kidnappers, fail to secure them, and now pursue justice for them in the context of enhanced resilience in Nigeria. This article presents unique analytical insights into the peculiar co-occurrence of terrorism, weaponisation of schoolchildren’s vulnerability, and callous ransom taking in Nigeria.
The critical lessons it offers for conceiving and executing solution-driven interventions through resilience in Nigeria and in the broader global contexts are substantial. Therefore, the data suggest the following:
•Public policy should formulate a national school-wide action framework for dealing with the prevention of schoolchildren’s exposure to terrorism.
•Foreign and local news media should deprive terrorists of the “oxygen of publicity.”
•A paradigm shift from analog to digital parenting will resolve the value contradictions between digital immigrant parents and their digital native children.
•A multi-stakeholder approach will prevent and counter violent extremism and radicalization.
•Public policy should rejig security infrastructure to secure Nigeria’s ungoverned border spaces.
•Virtual classes should complement physical class attendance to reduce learners’ vulnerability.
•Stakeholders should enhance schoolchildren’s resilience through Trauma-informed practices and care to help them attain sustainable resilience.
•With good governance, justice will shape interactions and restore pure national reintegration.
Johnson Ayodele (PhD),
Professor of Criminology and Security Studies,
Unicaf University, Cyprus.
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